List of figures

Figure 1.1: Eligible voters and their ratings of the National and Labour parties on the left–right scale, 1990–2014

Figure 1.2: Party positions, New Zealand general election of 2014

Figure 1.3: Issue most important in 2014 election as reported by respondents

Figure 1.4: Percentage of respondents directly referring to inequality, poverty, rich and poor, or wealth distribution

Figure 2.1: Net disposable income Gini, market Gini and difference between net and market Gini (redistribution) in nine countries, 2008

Figure 2.2: The net Gini index for New Zealand, 1960–2013

Figure 2.3: Tax changes, 1984–2010

Figure 2.4: Union membership in New Zealand (percentage of wage and salary earners)

Figure 4.1: Class voting in New Zealand, 1963–2014

Figure 4.2: The social and demographic correlates of structural inequality and vote for the National Party

Figure 4.3: The social and demographic correlates of structural inequality and vote for the Labour Party

Figure 4.4: The social and demographic correlates of structural inequality and vote for the Green Party

Figure 4.5: The social and demographic correlates of structural inequality and vote for the New Zealand First Party

Figure 4.6: Parental partisanship and voting choice, 2014 election

Figure 4.7: Income and assets interaction and Labour vote (with 95 per cent confidence intervals)

Figure 4.8: Perceptions of economic security or insecurity

Figure 4.9: Confidence in getting a new job, National and Labour vote choice

Figure 4.10: Perceptions of loss of income and vote choice

Figure 4.11: How baseline social structure, security and aspirations affect left–right positions

Figure 4.12: Left–right position, relative income and assets

Figure 4.13: Campaign expenditure 2014 election by party (in NZ Dollars)

Figure 4.14: Donations to political parties, 2012–2014

Figure 5.1: Quarterly economic growth (annual, on previous quarter), 2002–2014

Figure 5.2: Economic confidence, 2003–2014

Figure 5.3: Effects of previous vote and perceptions of the economy on the probability of voting National

Figure 5.4: Perceptions of John Key and the National-led government

Figure 5.5: Effects of government performance evaluations, conditioned by previous vote, on the probability of voting National

Figure 5.6: The effect of liking John Key, conditioned by assessment of truth in Dirty Politics on the probability of voting National

Figure 5.7: Most unpopular party (percentage disliking)

Figure 5.8: Mean score party popularities

Figure 5.9: The effect of (dis)liking the Internet Party on the probability of voting National

Figure 6.1: Less or much less government expenditure wanted on various items of public policy

Figure 6.2: Average scores on expenditure dimensions by party vote 2014: Targeted benefits

Figure 6.3: Average scores on expenditure dimensions by party vote 2014: Universal benefits

Figure 6.4: Raising the age of eligibility for New Zealand superannuation and socio-demographic variables

Figure 6.5: Age and Māori/non-Māori and raising the age of eligibility for New Zealand Superannuation

Figure 6.6: Social structure, ideology and opinions on a capital gains tax

Figure 6.7: The effects of age on support for capital gains tax, conditional on ownership of a business or rental property

Figure 6.8: The Treaty should not be part of the law by party vote

Figure 6.9: Support among Māori and non-Māori that the Treaty should be part of the law

Figure 6.10: Probabilities of believing that the Treaty should be part of the law

Figure 6.11: Attitudes towards inequality by party votes in 2011 and 2014 (averages)

Figure 6.12: Correlates of attitudes opposing inequality (predicted probabilities)

Figure 6.13: Probability of Labour vote by pension age reform

Figure 6.14: Probability of 2014 Labour vote by support or opposition to the Treaty conditioned by Labour vote or otherwise in 2011

Figure 6.15: Probability of Labour vote by capital gains tax attitudes

Figure 6.16: Probability of Labour vote by attitudes to inequality

Figure 7.1: Left–right positioning of NZES respondents, 2014 election

Figure 7.2: Probability of voting Green by subjective social class

Figure 7.3: Left–right and liberal–authoritarian attitudes as predictors of voting Green, 2014 election

Figure 7.4: The interactive effects of libertarian–authoritarian positions and left positions on the probability of voting for the Green Party

Figure 7.5: Environment versus economic development (comparison of means) per party choice

Figure 7.6: The interactive effects of environmental opinions and preferences about reducing inequality on the probability of voting for the Green Party

Figure 8.1: Authoritarian–libertarian attitudes by party voting groups (standardised scale)

Figure 8.2: Correlates of authoritarianism–libertarianism by socio-demographic groups

Figure 8.3: Attitudes towards the number of immigrants by party vote (in percentage)

Figure 8.4: Inequality attitudes and immigration attitudes

Figure 8.5: Correlates of immigration attitudes by social groups, aspirations and security

Figure 8.6: Abortion is always wrong by party vote, 2014

Figure 8.7: Attitudes towards abortion by social groups and the authoritarian–libertarian dimension

Figure 8.8: Vote choice for New Zealand First or not

Figure 8.9: Vote choice for the Conservatives or not

Figure 8.10: Liking or disliking the ACT Party: Baseline social, demographic and group variables: Model I.

Figure 8.11: Liking or disliking the ACT Party: Model II

Figure 9.1: Percentage party votes for women and men

Figure 9.2: Percentage support that the Treaty of Waitangi should be part of the law by gender

Figure 9.3: Preferences concerning inequality and gender

Figure 9.4: Preferences for expenditure on universal benefits by gender and age

Figure 9.5: Preferences for expenditure on targeted benefits by gender and age

Figure 9.6: Means of protecting the environment versus economic development by gender

Figure 9.7: Interest in politics by gender

Figure 9.8: Percentage support for an increase in the number of female MPs by gender

Figure 9.9: Percentage support for an increase in women’s representation by age and gender

Figure 9.10: Percentage support for an increase in the number of various ethnic groups in parliament by gender

Figure 9.11: Percentage support for initiatives to increase women’s representation in parliament by gender

Figure 10.1: Average assets by ethnicity

Figure 10.2: Average income by ethnicity

Figure 10.3: The Māori electorates in 2014

Figure 10.4: The effects of liking the Labour candidate the most across the general and Māori electorates

Figure 10.5: Electoral turnout as percentages of electoral enrolment, 1987–2014

Figure 10.6: Percentages on the Māori roll by age groups defined by entry into voting eligibility, 2014

Figure 10.7: Asset ownership and the probabilities of an electorate vote for Labour, the Māori Party or the Green Party in the Māori electorates

Figure 10.8: Parental partisanship and the Labour electorate vote in the Māori electorates

Figure 10.9: Age and the probabilities of a party vote for the Green and Internet-MANA parties in the Māori electorates

Figure 10.10: Assets and the probabilities of a party vote for Labour and the Māori Party in the Māori electorates

Figure 10.11: Inequality and the probabilities of a party vote for Labour or not voting in the Māori electorates

Figure 10.12: The alignment of voting groups on attitudes towards inequality and the Treaty in the Māori electorates

Figure 10.13: The alignment of voting groups on attitudes towards inequality and the Treaty in the general electorates

Figure 11.1: Enrolment on an age-eligible base, 1987–2014 by age groups

Figure 11.2: Age bias and turnout in New Zealand, 1996–2014

Figure 11.3: Non-voting by gender, 2014

Figure 11.4: Probability of not voting according to number of asset types among 25 and 65 year olds

Figure 11.5: Not voting, ethnicity and education

Figure 11.6: Home ownership, renting and roll-based turnout, 1996–2014

Figure 11.7: Percentage support for compulsory voting in Australia by Lower House vote, 2013

Figure 11.8: Percentage support for compulsory voting in New Zealand by party vote, 2014

Figure 11.9: Campaign vote mobilisation by political parties, 1993–2014

Figure 11.10: Personal visits and telephone contacts by party, 2014 election campaign

Figure 11.11: Modes of non-electoral political participation

Figure 11.12: Acts of direct and indirect participation over the last five years

Figure 11.13: Percentage of respondents using the internet for election information, by age group

Figure 11.14: Interest in online voting by age groups (in percentages)

Figure 11.15: Discussing politics by age group (in percentages)